Less staff, even less trust: Some states say they can't rely on Trump's DHS for election security

Less staff, less trust: Why states doubt Trump’s DHS for election security

The United States is nearing a significant election period, and various state officials are voicing increasing concern over the Department of Homeland Security (DHS)’s ability and dependability, especially due to reduced personnel and persistent distrust stemming from the policies of the Trump administration. Though DHS continues to be a vital federal agency responsible for supporting states in securing elections against both internal and external dangers, doubts have arisen about its perceived trustworthiness and operational efficacy.

In recent months, several state election officials have expressed concerns about depending on DHS’s cybersecurity and infrastructure protection branches. These worries arise from both organizational changes made during the prior administration and persistent resource constraints. Their concerns emphasize a larger problem within America’s fragmented electoral framework: the cooperation between state and federal bodies to safeguard a core element of democracy.

During former President Donald Trump’s tenure, the relationship between DHS and state election officials was often contentious. Despite the formation of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) in 2018—a DHS subdivision created to support critical infrastructure protection, including election systems—Trump’s rhetoric surrounding election legitimacy frequently clashed with CISA’s public statements.

In the aftermath of the 2020 election, CISA officials asserted that the vote was secure and that there was no evidence of widespread fraud. This directly contradicted Trump’s claims of electoral misconduct, leading to the firing of CISA Director Christopher Krebs, whose dismissal shocked cybersecurity experts and public officials alike. That moment marked a turning point in the perception of DHS’s neutrality and reliability among some state governments.

Currently, despite the change in leadership, the agency continues to deal with ongoing doubts, particularly from individuals who feel that political influence might have affected its autonomy. Consequently, some states remain cautious about completely trusting DHS for assistance related to elections, even as cyber threats to voter data, election systems, and public confidence increase.

Compounding the trust issue is a decline in staffing across key divisions within DHS that provide cybersecurity assistance to state and local governments. According to internal assessments and public reporting, many cybersecurity roles remain vacant, slowing the agency’s ability to offer timely support or deploy resources during critical election periods.

For instance, election authorities across multiple states mention postponed arrival of DHS risk evaluations or intelligence updates. These resources—which were previously regarded as crucial for countering cyber threats or misinformation efforts—are now more difficult to obtain because of insufficient staffing and challenging coordination between national and state entities.

In some cases, states have turned to private cybersecurity firms or established independent teams to compensate for the perceived shortfall in federal support. While these measures can provide valuable protection, they may also lead to inconsistent standards and fragmented security protocols across jurisdictions.

As a reaction to their worries, state election authorities have aimed to enhance their internal cybersecurity skills and establish collaborations with reliable federal or non-governmental organizations. A number of states have grown their election security departments, employed specialized information security personnel, and boosted spending on employee education and technological improvements.

Additionally, some secretaries of state have pursued collaboration with the National Guard’s cybersecurity units or academic institutions with expertise in election integrity. These alternatives allow states to retain greater control over their systems while still benefiting from external expertise.

Despite this pivot, many states acknowledge that DHS still holds valuable resources, particularly in threat intelligence, vulnerability scanning, and coordination with intelligence agencies. The challenge lies in rebuilding the kind of collaborative relationship that can make these tools both effective and trusted.

Since the transition to the Biden administration, CISA has made visible efforts to restore its standing as a nonpartisan protector of election security. Under new leadership, the agency has launched outreach initiatives aimed at reassuring state officials of its commitment to transparency and neutrality. These include regular threat briefings, public webinars, and regional security summits tailored to the needs of local election administrators.

CISA has also emphasized the importance of its role as a “trusted partner,” offering free services such as risk assessments, intrusion detection tools, and best practices guides for election infrastructure protection. However, the lingering impact of prior controversies continues to affect how some states perceive and utilize these offerings.

To address these challenges, the agency is working to expand its staffing pipeline and improve interagency coordination, but rebuilding trust remains a long-term project. Election security officials note that consistency, clear communication, and political independence will be key to strengthening these partnerships moving forward.

As election-related cyber threats continue to evolve, the importance of cohesive federal-state collaboration becomes even more critical. State systems remain frequent targets of ransomware attacks, phishing campaigns, and influence operations originating from abroad. Without unified defense strategies and shared information channels, the nation’s electoral integrity may become increasingly vulnerable.

Experts warn that fragmentation in the security landscape—where each state acts independently with little coordination—can create weak points that adversaries exploit. DHS, with its broad mandate and access to federal intelligence, remains a uniquely positioned agency to support a unified response.

Yet that potential will only be realized if state officials trust the agency’s motives, capabilities, and professionalism. As one election official put it, “We don’t have the luxury of mistrust when the stakes are this high—but we do have to be cautious about who we trust.”

With the 2024 general election on the horizon, state and local election officials are working to finalize their cybersecurity strategies and logistical preparations. Whether DHS will play a central role in those plans remains an open question for several states, especially those still grappling with concerns over staffing and past political interference.

Some lawmakers have called for additional funding to bolster both DHS and state election offices, recognizing that robust defense requires investment at all levels. Others advocate for legislative reforms to clarify the agency’s responsibilities and insulate its leadership from political pressure.

At the same time, CISA keeps collaborating with stakeholders, fine-tuning its communication strategies, and enhancing its assistance offerings to recover trust across all 50 states. The real challenge will be determining if these efforts lead to successful, reliable partnerships once the forthcoming major election period commences.

The history of previous disputes and current limitations in resources have led some states to doubt the dependability of the Department of Homeland Security in safeguarding elections. Although the agency is still a vital component in the wider cybersecurity field, restoring full confidence among state leaders hinges on being transparent, enhancing staffing, and showing a true dedication to impartial aid.

As voting becomes increasingly intricate and cyber threats more advanced, it is crucial for all levels of government to collaborate in a safe manner. Lacking this cooperation, weaknesses extend beyond just the technological sphere—they become systemic, undermining the core of democratic engagement.

By Roger W. Watson